BEST PART 3

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Why a Gingrich vs. Obama Matchup Would Be Good For the Country

Figure 1

I sincerely hope Newt Gingrich wins the Republican nomination for president: It could bring a healthy candor to our politics and end up boosting the fortunes of liberalism as well. Now, I realize the former Speaker may not be able to convert his current polling spurt into triumph over his main rival, that dodgy I’m-all-businessman, whose too-perfect hair and smile remind me of a middle-aged Ken doll. Gingrich has scant backing from prominent Republican office-holders; influential conservative pundits, such as Charles Krauthammer and George Will, detest him; he lacks a strong organization to get out the vote in the early caucus and primary states; and he made millions lobbying for institutions he now condemns.

But if Newt somehow manages to surmount these obstacles, imagine what a refreshing campaign he and Obama could wage. Gingrich has already vowed to challenge the president to hold lengthy debates—absent the usual moderators, with their tired Q & A format. Obama would have to agree, lest he seem cowardly. And this could set up the kind of campaign Americans have never witnessed before: a serious debate between articulate exponents of liberalism and conservatism—the ideological conflict that has shaped American politics since the emergence of a mass movement on the right in the 1950s.

makers of historical documentaries seldom seek to challenge the received opinions of their audiences. Even the most talented filmmakers tend to exalt the already exalted and shovel dirt on the thankfully deceased. One can, one should be moved by a production like Freedom Riders, which PBS aired this summer on the fiftieth anniversary of that dramatic, violent episode in the civil rights saga. But Freedom Riders comforts more than it educates and fails to ask such tough questions as why the notion of black and white people sitting together in a bus station could ever have provoked such rage.
So there is something fresh, even rather brave, about “A Nation of Drunkards,” the opening ninety-minute episode of Prohibition, the three-part film by Ken Burns and Lynn Novick, which premieres on public television on October 2. For most Americans—and, I would bet, nearly anyone who chooses to spend a Sunday evening watching a documentary on PBS—the century-long movement that first limited and then banned the manufacture and sale of alcohol appears either hopelessly quaint or quaintly sinister. To explain why and how the prohibitionists were able to amend the Constitution requires an empathy for Christian moralism that does not come easily to secular liberals—a cohort to which the filmmakers (and, I imagine, most New Republic readers) happily belong. Burns and Novick dramatize this moralism well. But that is not the only virtue of their film; whether intentionally or not, the documentary also suggests a way to think about the fortunes of the right-to-life movement, the prohibitionists of our own time.

This occupation is for you.” The protestor with a trim grey beard smiled a bit as reporters and tourists snapped pictures of the small, handmade sign he was holding at the entrance to Zuccotti Park. His simple slogan—and the month-long occupation that inspired demonstrations in over 900 cities last weekend—may represent the beginning of a new chapter in the history of the left. Or the whirlwind of activism could end up sharing the fate of other protest campaigns since the 1960s, from anti-apartheid to global justice, leaving its organizers wondering how they let so splendid an opportunity slip away.

The greybeard’s slogan, a variant of the ubiquitous chant “We are the 99 percent!” makes an audacious claim: We may be just a few hundred people willing to camp out on a concrete slab a few blocks from Wall Street. But we are angry about how the economic elite and their neoliberal system caused a global economic crisis, and we have discovered a way to turn that anger into urgent and visible form. True, we have no set of alternative policies to offer—although we are studying up on and debating the possibilities as fast as we can. But we do know that the crisis has battered the jobs, wages, and benefits of millions of people all over the world. And, until the global economy is restructured in the interests of the battered majority, the very rich and extremely irresponsible will continue to have their way with us.  Saya sangat berharap Newt Gingrich memenangkan nominasi Partai Republik untuk presiden: Ini bisa membawa kejujuran sehat untuk politik kita dan akhirnya meningkatkan nasib liberalisme juga. Sekarang, saya menyadari Pembicara pertama tidak mungkin dapat mengkonversi menyembur pemungutan suara saat ini menjadi kemenangan atas rival utamanya, yang cerdik aku-semua-pengusaha, yang terlalu sempurna rambut dan tersenyum mengingatkan saya pada boneka Ken setengah baya . Gingrich memiliki dukungan kurang dari menonjol pemegang kantor-Republik; pakar konservatif berpengaruh, seperti Charles Krauthammer dan George Will, membenci dirinya, ia tidak memiliki organisasi yang kuat untuk keluar suara dalam kaukus awal dan utama negara, dan ia membuat jutaan melobi untuk institusi sekarang dia mengutuk.
Tetapi jika Newt entah bagaimana berhasil mengatasi hambatan tersebut, bayangkan apa kampanye menyegarkan ia dan Obama bisa melancarkan. Gingrich telah bersumpah untuk menantang presiden untuk mengadakan debat panjang-absen moderator biasa, dengan mereka lelah Q & A Format. Obama akan harus setuju, supaya jangan ia tampak pengecut. Dan ini bisa mengatur jenis kampanye Amerika belum pernah menyaksikan sebelumnya: perdebatan serius antara eksponen mengartikulasikan liberalisme dan konservatisme-konflik ideologis yang telah membentuk politik Amerika sejak munculnya gerakan massa di sebelah kanan pada tahun 1950.

pembuat film dokumenter sejarah jarang mencari untuk menantang pendapat diterima dari penonton mereka. Bahkan pembuat film paling berbakat cenderung meninggikan kotoran sudah ditinggikan dan sekop pada untungnya almarhum. Satu bisa, orang harus dipindahkan oleh produksi seperti Penunggang Kebebasan, yang PBS ditayangkan musim panas ini pada ulang tahun kelima puluh episode, dramatis kekerasan di saga hak sipil. Tapi Penunggang Kebebasan menghibur lebih dari itu mendidik dan gagal untuk mengajukan pertanyaan sulit seperti mengapa gagasan orang kulit hitam dan putih duduk bersama dalam sebuah stasiun bus yang bisa telah memicu kemarahan tersebut.
Jadi ada sesuatu yang segar, bahkan agak berani, tentang "A Nation of Para pemabuk," pembukaan sembilan puluh menit episode Larangan, film tiga bagian oleh Ken Burns dan Lynn Novick, yang perdana di televisi publik pada tanggal 2 Oktober. Bagi sebagian besar orang Amerika-dan, saya berani bertaruh, hampir semua orang yang memilih untuk menghabiskan malam Minggu menyaksikan film dokumenter PBS-gerakan abad-panjang yang pertama terbatas dan kemudian melarang pembuatan dan penjualan alkohol muncul baik putus asa dgn aneh aneh atau jahat. Untuk menjelaskan mengapa dan bagaimana prohibitionists mampu mengubah Konstitusi membutuhkan empati terhadap moralisme Kristen yang tidak datang dengan mudah ke sekuler liberal-kohort yang para pembuat film (dan, saya membayangkan, sebagian Baru Republik pembaca) bahagia berada. Burns dan Novick mendramatisir moralisme ini dengan baik. Tapi itu bukan kebajikan hanya film mereka, baik sengaja atau tidak, dokumenter juga menunjukkan cara untuk berpikir tentang nasib gerakan kanan-ke-hidup, prohibitionists waktu kita sendiri.

Pekerjaan ini adalah untuk Anda "Para pemrotes dengan jenggot abu-abu langsing tersenyum sedikit karena wartawan dan wisatawan bentak gambar tanda, kecil buatan tangan dia memegang di pintu masuk Zuccotti Park.. Nya sederhana slogan-dan pendudukan selama sebulan yang diilhami demonstrasi di lebih dari 900 kota akhir pekan lalu-mungkin merupakan awal dari sebuah babak baru dalam sejarah kiri. Atau angin puyuh aktivisme bisa berakhir berbagi nasib